New arms raise in the 21st century case study of usa nd Russia frm 2015 to 2020
Price: 2000 Naira (BSC, MSC)
After the golden age of arms control, Russia and the United States
are no longer engaged in arms control negotiations. The landmark
Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty was officially terminated
on 2 August 2019, and the New Strategic Arms Reduction
Treaty (New START) expires in February 2021. The continued political
alienation between Russia and the West, combined with new
military-technological developments, will undermine strategic stability.
A new arms race is looming with severe implications for
global nuclear disarmament, nonproliferation, and regional stability.
Neither superpower seems to have a strategy for developing
arms control and disarmament. On the contrary, both sides are
pursuing costly programs to replace and modernize their Cold
War strategic arsenals. A more ambitious approach is necessary
for further reductions in nuclear arsenals and the extension of longstanding
arms control commitments. The collapse of the INF Treaty
could have been prevented by reciprocal inspections to verify
treaty compliance. The United States and Russia can agree to
extend New START to 2026 and to undertake a wider and structured
discussion about what they could do to enhance strategic stability.
Such a model must take into account third-country actors, missile
defense, precision-guided conventional strike systems, and future
actions in outer space and cyberspace. NATO and Russia need to
launch a substantive dialogue on how to reduce the risk of hazardous
military activities and to prevent military escalation caused by
accidents and miscalculations. Other nuclear-armed states and their
different types of delivery systems must be part of the disarmament
1.1 Background of the Study
An arms race occurs when two or more nations compete in increases in military personnel and materiel (Smith, Theresa Clair 1980). Simply defined as a competition between two or more states to have superior armed forces; a competition concerning production of weapons, the growth of a military, and the aim of superior military technology. The term is also used to describe any long-term escalating competitive situation where each competitor focuses on out-doing the others.
The existing scholarly literature is divided as to whether arms races are correlated with war (Glaser, 2010). International relations scholars explain arms races with the security dilemma, rationalist spiral models, states with revisionist aims, and deterrence models.
Almost 30 years after the end of the Cold War, nuclear arms control has fallen out of the public’s consciousness. Central disarmament successes in recent decades are reflected in the decline in global stockpiles of nuclear weapons. However, this has also led to a marginalization of the manifold and catastrophic consequences of a nuclear explosion as well as the related safety and security risks of this military technology. Since 1991, some 40,000 warheads have been deactivated, mainly by the two nuclear superpowers, the United States and Russia. This process is in decline. Agreed disarmament obligations are no longer being upheld. A new arms competition is evolving, and the remaining armscontrol framework is in a deep crisis. If it remains unresolved, the crisis could even leadto the total collapse of the arms control architecture, blocking disarmament efforts fordecades. The end of the landmark 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treatyis heralding the end of an era and might be the starting point of a new arms race. Evenpreventive nonproliferation agreements, such as the Iran deal of 2015, are being calledinto question. Conflicts surrounding the establishment of a rule-based world order arealso affecting central elements of arms control and disarmament.
By 2017, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) estimated that around 14,465 nuclear weapons are possessed by nine nuclear-weapon-armed states; around 3,750 of these are deployed and 1,800 are immediately operational (Table 1).
According to the SIPRI Yearbook 2018, the United States and Russia still have about
13,800 nuclear weapons at their disposal, together constituting 95 percent of all existing nuclear weapons. Both nuclear superpowers are modernizing their nuclear forces onland, sea, and air (termed the “nuclear triad”) and their nuclear infrastructure with a 21stcentury perspective, while nuclear-weapon owners such as China, India, Pakistan, and also North Korea are expanding their nuclear forces. In view of the catastrophic destructive power of a single nuclear weapon, however, these numbers alone are of little significance. More important are the destructiveness of these forces, the capabilities for their deployment, and nations’ readiness to use them. Countries’ nuclear-deployment doctrines, delivery-system capabilities, and perceptions of their rivals determine global nuclear policy and thus also the deployment of forces.
Following the encouraging speech given by US President Obama in Prague in 2009, in which the goal of a nuclear-weapon-free world was articulated, this momentum hasfurther faded away. There continues to be massive and increased investment in nucleararmament and deterrence in all its various forms, while treaty-based limiting factors are left to erode. For the first time in more than 50 years, there are no current strategic arms control negotiations between the United States and Russia. At theirsummit on 16 July 2018, Presidents Trump and Putin expressed their desire to resume talks on strategic stability. This is precisely what is called for in the central Article VI of the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), whose next review conference is scheduled for 2020.
Article VI requires inter alia that the state parties “undertake to pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early
Table 1. Estimates of nuclear forces, January 2018.
|Country||Deployed Nuclear Warheadsa||Other Nuclear Warheadsb||Total 2018|
- Deployed warheads are warheads on missiles or bases with operational delivery systems.
- Other warheads are stored or in reserve or in the dismantlement process.
Source: SIPRI (2018).
1.2 Statement of the Problem
An arms race may heighten fear and hostility on the part of the countries involved, but whether this contributes to war is hard to gauge. The new arms races has negative effect on most country like USA, Russia also North Korea threat each other to know who is the most world power. Some empirical studies do find that arms races are associated with an increased likelihood of war.
1.3 Aim and Objective of the Study
The main aim and objective of this study is to investigate the new arms race in the 21st century, a case study of USA and Russia from 2015 to 2020.
The specific objective for this study are to:
1. Examine Nuclear Weapons and Political Behavior.
2. Examine the role do nuclear weapons play in the doctrine of the Russian Federation and USA?
3. Investigate why do nuclear weapons remain so “attractive” that various states conduct research on their construction and development?
1.4 Research Questions
The research questions for this study is generated from the objective above:
1. What is new arms race in the 21st century?
2. Why do nuclear weapons remain so “attractive” that various states conduct research on their construction and development?
3. What role do nuclear weapons play in the doctrine of the Russian Federation?
1.5 Research Hypothesis
The research hypothesis as shown below:
Ho: New arms race has no significance effect on 21st century international security.
H1: New arms race has significance effect on 21st century international security.
1.6 Significance of the Study
1. The study shall evaluate the nature and progress of new arms race in the 21st century.
2. It shall elucidate the challenges and determine its objectives.
3. The study shall be a veritable source of information on Russia federation and USA.
1.7 Scope of the Study
The scope of this study is center on new arms race in the 21st century case study of USA and Russia from 2015 to 2020
1.8 Limitation of the study
The researcher had the accompanying difficulties:
(i) Time imperative to viably carryout this examination. The period took into consideration this investigation was not adequate in any case the scientist expanded the specified time and had the option to finish up the exploration before the cutoff time.
(ii) Inadequate money related assets. The specialist was presented with the test of reserve for financing this work. He defeat this by examining a chose firms in the portable telecom industry and furthermore raised some reserve from loved ones.
(iii) Attitude of respondents. This could be found in the reluctance of certain people to fill the survey the scientist arranged and disseminated. Additionally a few people met were not opening up. This, the scientist had the option to deal with by intently following up respondents and furthermore reserving of uncommon arrangement a few times with certain people.
(iv) Natural wonder. This likewise comprised a test in the reason for this work as the period in which the analyst was completed was portrayed by regular and overwhelming precipitation. The analyst had the option to scale through this test by expanding the discontinuous dry time frames or days when completing this work.
1.9 Definition of Terms
Arms Race: a pattern of competitive acquisition of military capability between two or more countries. The term is often used quite loosely to refer to any military buildup or spending increases by a group of countries. The competitive nature of this buildup often reflects an adversarial relationship.
Nuclear weapon: (also called an atom bomb, nuke, atomic bomb, nuclear warhead, A-bomb, or nuclear bomb) is an explosive device that derives its destructive force from nuclear reactions, either fission (fission bomb) or from a combination of fission and fusion reactions (thermonuclear bomb). Both bomb types release large quantities of energy from relatively small amounts of matter.
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